Domestic production among the southern Kyrgyz in the last century, especially in the first half, played an important role. A significant portion of the population engaged in livestock farming had a natural economy at its core, and almost all necessary household items were produced domestically. The production was based on the use of both livestock raw materials and materials sourced from nature. The only purchased material was metal (silver, iron).
The manufacturing techniques were quite primitive, based on manual labor, which required enormous expenditure of effort and time. A characteristic feature of Kyrgyz domestic crafts was the uniformity of technical methods, which was explained by strict continuity and adherence to traditional skills passed down from generation to generation.
The historical conditions of the 19th century did not contribute to the development of production. This was hindered by the conservatism of the nomadic lifestyle, the subordinate position under the Kokand Khanate, and colonial dependence during the tsarist regime, when Kyrgyzstan was profitably used as a source of cheap raw materials and a market for finished products. This was openly acknowledged in the literature of the late 19th century, for example, in an article by S. A. Davydova, who emphasized that "only raw materials can serve our industrial purposes," while indigenous products were of no interest as they "cannot satisfy the tastes and demands of Europeans," and one should "only familiarize oneself with the drawings... and tastes of the natives for successful competition."
Domestic industry and crafts were divided into women's and men's, with women's labor predominating. Alongside household chores, women produced items for interior decoration and home adornment, sewed clothing, processed wool, leather, fabrics, carpets, knitted mats, and engaged in embroidery. Women's production was characterized by the use of raw materials sourced from personal households, the absence of standards, and mass participation in each type of production. Rarely did a woman not produce wool, weave, or embroider. However, with any "manual primitive technique, the differences between individual workers (in strength, dexterity, skill, etc.) are always very significant." Among Kyrgyz craftswomen, the most skilled and talented stand out. They become professionals in their field, performing work not only for their families but also on order. Their assistance and consultation are widely sought by neighbors and fellow villagers.
Men's production had a different character. It was not characterized by mass production. Sometimes there was only one master for an entire village or even a whole district. Here, specialization began to emerge, and elements of craftsmanship were taking shape. Masters worked with silver, iron, wood, and leather, primarily on a commission basis, acquiring raw materials from the market or directly from the customer. Moving freely with their simple tools, masters set up wherever they could: in a yurt, at home, or outdoors. They did not hire labor; they did everything themselves, and only in certain types of production, such as blacksmithing, where additional help was needed, did a family member assist, and rarely did they use the labor of the customer.
With such a primitive organization, craft production could not be widely established. Producing items mainly for exchange for food, the master was forced to simultaneously manage his household: raising livestock, grazing it on seasonal pastures, and cultivating the land. Thus, craftsmanship was combined with agriculture and served as a supplement to it.
It should be noted that the division of labor into male and female was not constant. Sometimes women mastered certain types of male production, such as making silver jewelry. If the work required greater physical effort, men would come to assist the women.
When the labor process required the efforts of several people (making carpets, rolling felt), the Kyrgyz, like most other peoples, widely used an ancient form of collective assistance — ashar.
The labor of masters was exploited. Khans, noble persons, and wealthy individuals often appropriated the skilled products of Kyrgyz masters under the guise of "ashar" or as a gift — tartuu (a peculiar form of feudal tribute).
Payment for labor in kind, which originated during the period of genuine natural economy, still exists among the Kyrgyz to this day. However, if earlier the measure of the value of products was sheep or a certain amount of grain, later they began to be replaced by factory-produced items (scarves, shirts, dresses, pieces of calico, silk, etc.), and then by money.
Kyrgyz masters pay great attention not only to the durability of the items they produce but also to their artistic design. Artistic taste finds its most vivid expression in weaving, braiding, colorful ornamentation of felt products, embroidery, jewelry production, and the processing of leather and wood. Many items are genuine works of art. It can be said that the specificity of most folk products is created by the ornament, its placement, and color relationships. At the same time, the decorative qualities of items are always inextricably linked to their practical purpose in everyday life. Therefore, most household items can only be correctly perceived in the unity of their artistic and technical aspects.
The development of trade relations between Turkestan and Russia, as well as the transition of the Kyrgyz to a sedentary lifestyle and new forms of economy, historically affected domestic production. Some products began to move beyond the scope of domestic and local consumption. Production on order and specifically for the market began to expand. Kyrgyz-produced items increasingly transformed into commodities, purchased by neighboring peoples. However, the techniques of production and working conditions remained the same.
Kyrgyz fabrics, felt carpets, and robes made from hand-woven cloth entered the Central Asian market. Kyrgyz pile carpets and palases, men's felt hats, saddles, certain types of wooden utensils, and lassos appeared in large quantities.
On the other hand, the systematic penetration of factory goods into Kyrgyz life and changes in lifestyle due to the transition to other forms of economy reduced domestic production. Some of its types, conditioned by the nomadic lifestyle, began to lose their significance. Ornamental felt and woven bags, leather and wooden utensils, etc., became museum pieces.
With the loss of production, applied arts are forgotten, and centuries-old traditional continuity and skills fade away. This phenomenon, occurring among many other peoples, has been reflected in the press. Starting from the late 19th century, alarming articles about the decline of artistic crafts and the need for their preservation began to appear. After the October Revolution, especially in connection with collectivization, the share of domestic production began to decline rapidly.
It is evident that this period, caused by changes in the economic foundation, should be viewed as a turning point in the development of folk artistic culture. Along with the growth of culture, the need for the renewal and decoration of items in accordance with the new times increases. It is important to preserve the most valuable traditions. Currently, the bearers of the best folk traditions are primarily representatives of the older generation. Our data indicate the existence of experienced Kyrgyz masters, connoisseurs, and great enthusiasts of their craft, capable of providing excellent examples of artistic national products.
The items produced today in domestic settings meet the demand of farmers for those national items that have not yet been mastered by modern industry. For example, masters continue to make felt and pile carpets, palases, patterned fabrics, silver jewelry, and more.
A detailed study of the past and present of domestic production and crafts is necessary not only for solving some theoretical questions (identifying cultural-historical connections between peoples and paths of cultural development) but also in practical terms. Despite the primitive techniques, the centuries-old folk creative experience contains a lot of valuable material that should be utilized in modern factory production of consumer goods.
The Soviet government always supported the development of folk artistic products. The necessity of developing artistic crafts was particularly emphasized by the XX Congress of the CPSU. In southern Kyrgyzstan, cooperative craft artels began to be established in 1927. However, few folk masters were involved.
In the revival of folk applied arts, significant contributions were made by the Tokmak educational and production combine, organized in 1938. Here, the best masters of applied arts were gathered. Unfortunately, during the Great Patriotic War, the combine ceased to exist.
The greatest similarity, and in some cases even identity in the character and form of crafts and their products, is observed among the Kyrgyz and Kazakhs. This has been noted by many researchers.
Despite the presence of similar features in the craft production of the Kyrgyz, Uzbeks, and Tajiks, there are also many fundamentally deep differences that speak of different origins. The similarity is a consequence of borrowing at a later time, since the southern Kyrgyz found themselves surrounded by economically stronger sedentary peoples. The domestic crafts of the latter have long transformed into cottage industries, developing in urban conditions and achieving significant commodity production.
By analyzing the domestic production, crafts, and artistic activities of the southern Kyrgyz, we attempt to clarify the nature and degree of development of each type, the specificity of folk art, and the peculiarity of southern Kyrgyz ornamentation.