SOLDIER OF THE REVOLUTION
He did not live to see forty years. The forces of lawlessness of Stalinism and unprecedented terror cut short his life at a time when the creative potential of a personality, especially that of a statesman, is approaching maximum self-realization. Yet this short life encompassed a tremendous amount of work in the name of the interests of his people and the realization of the ideals of socialism.
Restoring the true role and place of Zh. Abdrakhmanov in the struggle for the happiness of the Kyrgyz people requires recreating, despite half-truths, the genuine circumstances of the difficult and arduous path of creating new social relations, international solidarity with all the peoples of the first in the world
multinational state of workers and peasants. This is all the more important because the concept of "Abdrakhmanovshchina," which was introduced into political discourse with impure intentions, was used as a synonym for counter-revolutionary nationalism to justify new lawlessness against a large number of the republic's leadership.
The majority of them were accused of this. The criminally free expansive interpretation of the terms "national deviationism" or "nationalism" opened up such possibilities. Moreover, considering that all this occurred against the backdrop of the so-called theory of "the intensification of class struggle as socialist construction progresses" and the ongoing extraordinary measures of the state justified by it, directed against numerous external and internal enemies.
The national idea, which rallied the masses of working people in the colonial outskirts of Russia to fight against tsarism, for the power of the Soviets, for equality and freedom, when placed above all else, turns out to be equal to nationalism and is capable, in any political-ideological framing, of suppressing the democracy that has been gained, depriving progress of its prospects. Democracy in these conditions is understood as permissiveness and violence.
But the tragedy was that nationalism at that time was called any manifestation of consolidating national consciousness, any protest against its humiliation and the ignoring of national interests, which in one way or another touched upon the unitary centralized system that had been established by that time almost in all details, up to the deification of the "leader of all peoples."
And it is extremely important for us today to find the truth in this highly complex issue because the problems of "the growth of national consciousness," "nationalism," and "chauvinism" have again arisen before our society with full force. Nagorno-Karabakh, Sumgait, Baku, Tbilisi, Fergana, Osh... Alas, for us, these are no longer just geographical names of "fraternal republics"—they are burning addresses of interethnic clashes, conflicts, addresses of our common misfortune.
The roots of this pain lie in '37, which is why we are trying to restore justice not only regarding the personal fate and tragedy of Abdrakhmanov but also the fate and tragedy of the people of whom he was a son.
Zh. Abdrakhmanov was born on December 28, 1901, in the village of Chirkey in the Kungoi-Aksuysky volost (now in the Issyk-Kul region) in the family of an influential manap—volost manager. His father was a progressive man—he sent his son to a 3-class Russian-native school, whereas at that time, the Kyrgyz nobility did not send their children to Russian schools, believing that "the infidels (kafir) would not teach them anything good"; therefore, children of poor parents, forcibly sent there, usually studied in these schools.
In 1914, Zh. Abdrakhmanov continued his studies at the Karakol City Higher Primary School, which he did not finish due to the uprising of 1916. His overall high level of culture and socio-political knowledge was the result of persistent self-education, spurred by various short-term courses.
His father and other close relatives of the boy died in 1916, unable to bear the hardships of the journey abroad. Upon returning from China in 1917, Jussup worked as a groom and janitor in the Karakol garrison, one of the officers of which took him with him to the city of Verny. Here, after the establishment of Soviet power (March 1918), Zh. Abdrakhmanov joined the Red Guard detachment of Morozov. Then, as an assistant squadron commander, he participated in battles against the White Cossacks on the Semirechye Front in the detachment of Mamontov-Kikhtenko.
Much later, reflecting and recalling on the day of his thirtieth birthday that difficult, cruel, and heroic time, he wrote in his diary that, being from a different social environment, he came to the worker-peasant revolution sincerely and forever, without hesitation linking all his thoughts with it.
In 1919, after a brief study at command courses, Zh. Abdrakhmanov, who had just joined the party, was elected a member of the district committee of the garrison, and in December of that same year, he was discharged from the army due to illness.
Before the formation of the Komsomol organization in Verny, he was part of the city council of the Red Socialist Youth. In the same year, 1919, he was elected a member of the Presidium of the Turkestan Bureau of the RCSM and a member of the Semirechensk Organizational Regional Bureau of the RCSM. From the newly created Semirechensk regional organization of the Komsomol, with the active participation of Zh. Abdrakhmanov, he was delegated to the first regional congress of the RCSM of Turkestan in 1920. The nineteen-year-old communist Zh. Abdrakhmanov was elected a member of the executive bureau of the Semirechensk regional committee of the Komsomol and chairman of the commission "for work among the native youth," as well as a representative of the Komsomol in the regional party committee. Zh. Abdrakhmanov was a delegate to the III Congress of the RCSM in 1920 in Moscow. These facts testify to his energy and the significance of the work he conducted in creating a political youth organization in Semirechye.
Forceful intervention in the issues of literary creativity of K. Tynystanov