What will the sixth convocation of parliament be like? What was memorable about the 2015 election campaign, and what did it bring to Kyrgyzstan and its citizens?
Candidates -……?
The first questions from citizens arose regarding the list of candidates for the people's representatives. Of nearly 2,000 candidates, 234 were found to have a criminal past: facts of fraud, hooliganism, murder, and corruption crimes in their biographies. At the time of submitting the lists to the Central Election Commission (CEC), 15 of them had unexpunged convictions, and three were wanted by the Ministry of Internal Affairs for several years. The past of the candidates inevitably influenced the nature of the elections. As is customary among competitors, representatives of various political parties threw mud at each other, accusing one another of all possible crimes. The budgets of the competitors spent on working with the electorate raised particular questions. According to the CEC, as of September 28, 14 parties spent 630,038,378 soms on their "white" campaigning. That is approximately 8,985,145 million US dollars. Where did political parties get such money? For example, the leader of "Onuguu-Progress," Bakyt Torobaev, and co-chairman of "Butun Kyrgyzstan Emgeka," Askar Salymbekov, stated that this amount was the result of diligent work in business and preparation for the elections. "Ata-Meken" attributed its funds to assistance to the people and trust in its leader. The newly formed party "Kyrgyzstan," which emerged shortly before the elections and essentially represents the youth wing of SDPK, raised the most questions. Despite its political youth, a slightly plagiarized flag from neighboring Kazakhstan, and a modest budget, the coalition managed to take third place, slightly pushing aside the self-assured "Onuguu-Progress."
However, the most attention was drawn to the candidates from the "Republic-Ata-Jurt" party, which united former Prime Minister Omurbek Babanov and ex-deputy, Vice President of the National Boxing Federation of the Kyrgyz Republic, Kamchybek Tashiev. Known for his torn pants on the fence of the "White House" and his unmanageable character, the ex-deputy had already managed to extinguish his conviction for public calls for overthrowing and seizing power by the start of the election race and was listed under number 41 on the party list. However, they lost their chance for a seat in parliament after beating Abdymanap Abdybakapov, a candidate from a party with a similar electoral platform and direction - a competitor to "Onuguu-Progress." Tashiev, along with his friends, arrived at the party's regional headquarters and, after a verbal altercation, beat its representative nearly to death. The "Onuguu" candidate was taken to the hospital with a concussion, bruises, and broken ribs, and the injuries were documented. The CEC removed his candidacy from the race due to a criminal case initiated against Tashiev for the fight. But he did not give up, accusing his opponent of ties to the criminal world. Soon, he made headlines again. Together with party co-chairman Babanov, they organized a small photo session in the mountains, where they played in the snow and demonstrated friendly relations. Thanks to social media users, the photo set was dubbed "Love story" and "Kyrgyz 'Hunchbacked Mountain.'" This did not prevent "Republic Ata-Jurt" from taking second place in the preliminary election results.
Other candidates behaved less provocatively. Along with colorful concerts and programs of election promises, they willingly left generous gifts and photographs of themselves for the residents of the regions as keepsakes. The scale of the pre-election tables with tons of treats from agitators reached such threatening proportions that even the head of state, Almazbek Atambayev, took notice, urging compatriots not to sell their votes for vodka and beshbarmak. The parties "Ata-Meken," "SDPK," "Republic-Ata-Jurt," and "Onuguu-Progress" excelled in organizing concerts and celebrations. The latter even managed to quarrel with the mayor of Bishkek, Kubanychbek Kulmatov. Thanks to the "Bright City" program, the party installed lighting in the neighborhoods of the republic, taking it on their balance, something the mayor's office had been unable to do for decades. Moreover, the party leader, Bakyt Torobaev, promised to resolve the long-standing waste issue for the capital of Kyrgyzstan if his party entered parliament. In return, the mayor's office dismantled "Onuguu" advertising billboards located right in the city center without explanation. This prompted Torobaev to state that if Kulmatov had been as energetic in cleaning up waste as he was in removing competitors' billboards (the mayor himself belongs to the presidential SDPK, ed.), the city would have long been clean and bright. However, "Onuguu" was not the only party whose campaign materials were dismantled at the mayor's directive; "Ata-Meken" also faced ostracism. "Azattyk" was also reprimanded for using children in party advertisements. However, no party was removed from the election race for violations.
Clean and Honest
Nevertheless, they had a hard time. The new voting system, the first for the CIS countries, was unprecedented. The honesty and transparency of the process were supposed to be ensured by electronic ballot boxes and the use of biometric data during voting. This excluded the old familiar methods of falsifying results: ballot stuffing and the carousel of bringing voters. However, bribery remained: preliminary data indicated about 70 such cases, with criminal cases initiated by the Ministry of Internal Affairs in 6 of them. As usual, administrative resources in the form of budget workers were also involved. In 2015, instead of substitute voters casting ballots at multiple polling stations, they became recruiters. First, medical workers and teachers went door-to-door in neighborhoods near polling stations, distributing invitations, and on October 4, their legal day off, they were forced to visit the polling stations again to remind Kyrgyz citizens of their civic duty. In cases of "black" campaigning, house committee members and quarter leaders were noted. But the percentage of falsification decreased, as evidenced by the number of citizens who came to vote: nearly 60% instead of the Akayev and Bakiyev eras' 90-99% turnout. The people turned to politicians in the same way that politicians had turned to the people for many years, partly thanks to the infamous biometrics. The question of its legality repeatedly arose in Kyrgyz society due to the unprotected nature of the fingerprints submitted by citizens and the corruption of all branches of power, which allowed anyone to be made a subject of a criminal case based on biometric fingerprints with a phone call. Despite protests from human rights defenders and a lawsuit in all instances by one of them, Nurbek Toktakunov, the coercion to biometrics was deemed entirely constitutional by the Supreme Court of the Kyrgyz Republic. However, some Kyrgyz citizens did not submit their biometrics and were unable to vote. According to the CEC, only 2,761,297 people provided biometric data. Among them was even the head of state, Almazbek Atambayev. However, trust in the technology did not increase: currently, only 59% of those who underwent biometric registration voted across the republic. And 17% of Kyrgyz citizens voted from abroad.
On election day, many polling stations both in Kyrgyzstan and abroad experienced violations during voting. There were cases where the equipment refused to read the data of those who came to vote: even the ideologists of introducing biometrics - Taiyrbek Sarpashev, leader of "Ar-Namys," Felix Kulov, leader of SDPK Chynybay Tursunbekov, and leader of "Ata-Meken" Omurbek Tekebayev - could not cast their votes on the first attempt. In some places, human factors also played a role: operators forgot the server password or did not bring the flash drive with the lists of early voters or those who underwent biometrics not at their registered address in time. In some cases, scanners indicated that the voter either had not undergone biometrics or had voted the day before. Thus, according to CEC statistics, on average, 1-2 people per thousand voters were unable to vote. Moreover, the system did not provide data on the voting process on air, as promised by the CEC: the agency's website simply crashed, and for some time, citizens of the republic and foreign journalists remained in the dark. In short, biometrics, as a tool for democratic elections, did not justify itself on the first attempt. Nevertheless, the Prime Minister, Temir Sariev, stated that the concluded "open and honest elections based on biometrics demonstrated the strength of power."
By the way, a correspondent from IA also went to cast their vote at the polling station according to their registered address. At polling station 1222 UIC-MP "Zelestroy," it was not so crowded, but the police allowed only three people into the voting hall at a time, confiscating bags, pens, and mobile phones. Each person entering had to show their passport, after which the identification process using the fingerprint scanner took place, which issued a receipt confirming the citizen's right to vote. Then, they had to approach the lists and find their name under the corresponding letter, signing next to their surname. There were no problems with this either: this time, deceased relatives who were once registered under the same roof with me were not included in the list. After that, I received the coveted sheet with the list of parties and the "Against all" option. Instead of a pen, there was a special marker in each booth, the imprint of which spread and became visible on the other side when applied, making my choice obvious to the observers sitting next to the electronic ballot box.
Regardless, the elections took place. This means that the approximate course of Kyrgyzstan for the next five years has already been determined. According to the CEC, as of 9 AM on October 5, SDPK received 27.43% of the votes, which corresponds to 38 mandates. "Republic-Ata-Jurt" garnered 20.07% of the votes, resulting in 28 mandates. "Kyrgyzstan" received 12.87% and 18 seats, while "Onuguu-Progress" secured 13 seats with 9.3% of the votes. "Bir Bol" obtained 8.5%, securing 12 mandates, and finally, "Ata-Meken" earned 7.75% of the votes and 11 seats in parliament. The question arises as to what principle the winners will unite: the leader of SDPK, Chynybay Tursunbekov, promised to take "ideologically close" parties under his wing. This definition fits all except "Ata-Meken." However, the possibility of a coalition being formed against SDPK from the other five parties cannot be ruled out. The question of the actions of civil society remains open - separate voices claiming the illegality and unconstitutionality of the recent elections have not yet merged into a united chorus capable of raising public outrage over the election results.