The new period of Kyrgyzstan's history spans from the 18th to the early 20th century. It can be conditionally divided into several stages.
1. Kyrgyzstan as part of the Kokand Khanate (1711-1876).
2. Kyrgyzstan as part of the Russian Empire (1850s-70s — 1917).
During this new period, the Kyrgyz did not have their own statehood and were part of two states. The chronological boundaries of the Kyrgyz's inclusion in either state are expressed vaguely. Therefore, historical processes could not have a logical sequence in terms of time and space.
The Kyrgyz were part of the Kokand Khanate almost since its formation (from the 1720s for the southern Kyrgyz, and from the 1820s for the northern Kyrgyz), but they were often nominally dependent populations, as they relied on the strong support of their tribes. This circumstance allowed them to actively intervene in both the internal and external politics of the khans, especially in matters of succession.
At the beginning of the 18th century, Fergana was a region politically separated from the Bukhara Emirate. The population of the southwestern part of the valley lived under the leadership of the hakim of Khojent, Akboto-biy-Kyrgyz. The central and northern parts of the valley were under the theocratic authority of the Khodja of Chodak and Kasan. The eastern and mountainous parts of the Fergana Valley were mainly under the control of nomadic Kyrgyz. The conditions of relative peaceful life contributed to the strengthening of the influence of the nomadic nobility. The developing external threat from Dzungaria (from the east) and the favorable political situation within the valley created conditions for the renewed political activity of two nomadic clans striving to seize political power from the Khodjas and create a secular state. The result of this activity was the formation of the polyethnic Kokand Khanate in the early 18th century — a union of two nomadic clans: the Uzbek-Ming clan led by Shahruq-biy, a descendant of Babur, and the Kyrgyz clan led by the Khojent Akboto-biy, who was the son-in-law of Shahruq-biy.
The 167-year existence of the Kokand Khanate (1709-1876) can be divided into three major periods.
1. 1709-1800s — the establishment of the Kokand Khanate as a state. During this period, the Fergana Valley was fully incorporated into the Kokand state.
2. 1800-1840s — the time of development and flourishing of the Kokand Khanate. During these years, with the further development of the political-administrative organization of the khanate, both internal and external policies were strengthened. The Kokand Khanate expanded territorially far beyond the Fergana Valley.
3. 1842-1876 — social and political crises intensified in the Kokand state. A popular movement emerged in 1873-1876, which resulted in the fall of the khanate — the Fergana Valley was conquered by Russian colonizers (1876).
Based on sources on the history of Kokand, we can see four political forces that significantly influenced its history: the Sart, the Ming (Uzbeks), the Kyrgyz, and the Kipchaks. While the political power of the Sarts mainly formed the "Sartiya," the Kyrgyz and Kipchaks united in the "Ilatia." The Ming (Uzbeks) in the 18th century constituted a group of nomadic feudalists aligned with the "Ilatia," but by the 19th century they gradually merged into the "Sartiya."
In the years 1709-1760, a group of Mings held political power in Kokand. However, they shared power with Kyrgyz biys (Akboto-biy, the Kokand-Kyrgyz alliance of 1741-1760, Kubat-biy, Azhy-biy, and others). Starting from 1760-1800, the political group of Mings gradually began to align with the "Sartiya" (the policy of Narboto-biy). Although the Mings were in power during the 1800-1840s, their policy was economically controlled by a strong group of Sarts and the military caste of Galchi. As the Mings transitioned to settled life, conditions were created for their transformation into urban populations, increasing connections with the Sarts, and even their incorporation into this category.
As a result of the political crisis of 1840-1842, the Kyrgyz biys re-emerged on the historical stage, and in 1842-1844 they managed to fully take power into their own hands (Kyrgyz Nuzup-biy). From 1844-1856, the Kipchaks came to prominence (Musulmanqul Minbashi). In 1856-1858, the Kyrgyz regained power. During the rule of Kyrgyz biy and datka Alymbek and Kyrgyz military leader Alymkul from 1858-1865, the khan's authority almost lost its significance, especially during Alymkul's leadership (1863-1865), when the official khan Sultan Seyit was completely dependent on the will of the Kyrgyz biy. Although from 1865-1875 power passed to representatives of the former feudal Mings and the "Sartiya," the Kyrgyz and Kipchak biys actively participated in state administration (Abdrahman Aptabachi, Sher Datka, Narimanbet Datka, Kedeibai Datka, Kurmanjan Datka, and others). During the movement of 1873-1876, the Kyrgyz biys once again tried to seize power — Kyrgyz mullah Ishak Asan uulu was proclaimed khan under the name Polot-khan. This was an attempt to achieve the previous traditional political balance. When a separate group achieved leadership in the power structures, representatives of other groups also participated in governance.
All state positions in the khanate were distributed among representatives of the nomadic Uzbek, Kyrgyz, and Kipchak peoples. Usually, the Kyrgyz and Kipchaks received positions such as atalyk, minbashi, amirlyashker, naib, ynak, eshik-agalyk, and others. For example, under Alimkhan (1800-1810), the son of Narboto-biy, the relatives of his Kyrgyz wife Momunbek and Yrysqulbek were appointed commanders of the Kokand troops — amir lyashkers. Under Madali-khan (1822-1841), Kyrgyz Nuzup held the position of commander-in-chief — minbashi. At the same time, the title of datka was held by Kyrgyz from the Adigine tribe — Alymbek, from the Keseq tribe — Seyitbek, from the Tolos tribe — Polot, from the Avat tribe — Satybaldy, from the Saruu tribe — Azhibek. They were influential figures at the khan's court and held prominent positions in the Kokand state. At this time, the influence of Kyrgyz feudal lords was so high that they held positions in the khanate such as: Nuzup (1842-1844) — minbashi and atalyk, Alymbek Datka (1858-1862) — chief vizier of the khan, Kasym (1853-1856) — minbashi, Alymkul (1863-1865) — amir lyashkar (commander-in-chief of the Kokand army) and atalyk, Atabek — naib (commander of the ground forces and artillery), Sheraly — ynak (commander of the cavalry), Kydyr-biy — eshikagalyk (head of the khan's court), etc. In addition, prominent Kyrgyz feudal lords were awarded titles such as parvanachi, pansad, and were treated with respect. The mother of Kudaayar-khan, the Kyrgyz Jarkynaiym, and the wife of Alymbek Datka, Kurmanjan Datka, had great authority and influence in the khanate. The fact that the last khan of the Kokand state was Kyrgyz Ishak Asan uulu (Polot-khan) also confirms the role of the Kyrgyz in this regard.
All the historical facts mentioned above indicate that the Kokand Khanate was a political regime, a united state of both "Sartiya" and "Ilatia," and thus represented the statehood of both Uzbeks and Kyrgyz, as well as Tajiks. Based on these indisputable materials, it can be stated that the Kokand Khanate was one of the forms of development of Kyrgyz statehood in the 18th-19th centuries.
Living in it and participating in the governance of their state, individual Kyrgyz biys attempted to establish an independent Kyrgyz statehood. For example, in 1860, Alymbek Datka, leading part of the Kokand army, was sent to Southern Kazakhstan (the region of Kaskelen, Uch-Aral) against the Russian army advancing on the Kokand Khanate. Upon arriving in the designated area, he refused to engage in battle with the Russians. As a result, the Kokand army was forced to retreat. The true aim of such a decision by Alymbek was to unite the southern and northern Kyrgyz tribes, to establish an independent state, or to fully seize the Kokand ordo. Therefore, from that time on, he began to build relations with the Russian authorities. He understood well that the first condition for this was to avoid entering into war with the Russians. In the spring and summer of 1861, he negotiated with several leaders of northern Kyrgyz tribes with the aim of creating an independent state formation. Alymbek's intentions became known even in St. Petersburg. The Russian authorities reacted to this quite favorably.
Alymbek, having brought the northern Kyrgyz under his influence, returned to the Fergana Valley in 1861. In February 1862, he participated in a rebellion, killed the Kokand khan Malabek, placed his nephew — the son of Sarymsak, the 15-year-old Shah Murat — on the throne, and took the position of senior vizier. However, in the summer of that same year, Kudaayar seized the throne and declared war on the Kyrgyz and Kipchaks who supported Shah Murat. The hakim of Margilan, Molda Alymkul from the Ichkilik Kyrgyz tribe, a prominent state figure from 1862-1865, switched to Kudaayar's side. With his help, the Kyrgyz biys Kydyr and Yrsaly were initially removed from power, and later completely eliminated. Soon, by a secret order from Alymkul, Alymbek was also killed.
Another figure who attempted to establish an independent state in the context of the political dominance of the Kokand Khanate over the northern Kyrgyz was the Sarbagysh manap Ormon Niyazbek uulu. In the late 1840s, a kurultai — a congress of representatives from the Issyk-Kul, Chui, and Talas valleys — was convened in the Kutmanaly region, where Ormon was proclaimed khan.
But this was a nominal recognition of Ormon's khanate by other manaps. In fact, after this event, all northern Kyrgyz tribes remained independent of him.
In 15-20 years, northern Kyrgyzstan was conquered by the Russian Empire.
The attitude towards Kyrgyzstan as a colony, which followed its conquest by the Russian Empire, undermined the traditionally established relations in the region and the possibilities for their further development on a national basis. The legal formalization of new relations was achieved through the creation of corresponding power institutions and a management system that operated on the principle of "metropolis — colony" or "center — periphery."
The organization of governance in Turkestan, including Kyrgyz lands, was initiated by the Tsarist regime in parallel with the conquest process, even at its initial stage. On March 2, 1865, a Senate decree was issued "On the Formation of the Turkestan Region" as part of the Orenburg Governor-Generalship, which was created "from all the border areas with Central Asian possessions from the Aral Sea to the Kyrgyz lake Issyk-Kul." The region was transformed in 1867 into the Turkestan Governor-Generalship. The system of internal administrative-territorial division of the Turkestan region was adapted to solve purely military tasks and was based on the merging of military and civil power, as well as the concentration of administrative, judicial, economic, and other functions in the same institutions. The principle of "Russification" underpinned the entire colonial policy of Tsarism. This principle stemmed from the following important feature of the Russian colonial system. While the Western European colonial system was characterized by significant natural barriers between metropolises and colonies (oceans, deserts, mountain ranges), Russia had a complete absence of natural geographical obstacles. Russia's colonies were "extensions" of the territory of the central part of the empire. This geographical factor played a decisive political role in the implementation of the principle of Russification. Thus, from the very first days of seizing Turkestan, Tsarism set a far-reaching goal — to eventually turn this region into "historically Russian territory."
It is no coincidence that Turkestan was often referred to as "Russian Turkestan." Russification was given both political and military-strategic significance. Turkestan, including Kyrgyzstan, was to "Russify" in the broadest sense of the word — in territorial, geopolitical, as well as socio-economic and cultural terms. The implementation of Russification was intended to be gradual, phased, and considerate of local characteristics.
Thus, following the main principle of the colonial policy of autocracy, derivative principles emerged: gradualness, phased implementation, consideration of local conditions, and religious tolerance. The principle of Russification relied on a number of means: declaring the lands of Turkestan state property, introducing the Russian administrative structure, allowing free settlement of Russian peasants in new territories, transferring the main levers of economic life in the region into the hands of colonizers, spreading all-Russian orders in colonized territories, etc. In short, in the long term, Turkestan, including Kyrgyzstan, was to become an "indivisible part of the empire," similar to Southern Russia, the Middle Volga, or the Urals.
The main principle was reflected in the first Temporary Regulations on the governance of the region (1867, 1868). The final Regulation on the governance of the Turkestan region was signed and approved by the Russian tsar on June 12, 1886.
The head of the local administration was the military governor with the rank of governor-general, who concentrated both military and civil power in his hands. At the local level, the administration was headed by the chiefs of regions and districts, who were also military commandants. They were subordinate to local population managers, appointed from Russian officials, who exercised general police oversight over the local population. The local population managers also concentrated judicial functions in their hands. They were responsible for criminal cases related to murders, robberies, and banditry in cases where representatives of the local and European populations were involved.
An auxiliary role in this management apparatus was played by the so-called indigenous administration, consisting of volost managers. Due to the presence of numerous nomadic populations, alongside volosts in settled areas, aksakal institutions were also created. Overall, the administrative-territorial division carried out by Tsarism in Turkestan did not take into account the natural, historical, economic, and national characteristics of the region. It was a logical continuation of the imperial organization of territory, which was justly referred to as state-bureaucratic.
The nomadic population of the Turkestan region was divided into clans, branches, and sub-branches. Clans were managed by clan leaders — manaps, sultans, and senior biys; branches — by biys, and sub-branches — by tugachi. The titles of manaps, sultans, and biys were mostly hereditary. However, the appointment of new individuals to the positions of sultans, manaps, and biys required approval from the local population manager, that is, the tsarist military official.
Colonial authorities retained the kaziy courts for settled populations and the biy courts for nomadic populations. Changes in the structure of these courts were limited to equalizing the rights of all kazis by abolishing the position of kazi-kalyan, introducing the election of judges for three years, and granting the plaintiff the right to appeal to the kazi he trusted more for case consideration.