Arrival of the Young Bride in Her Husband's Village. From the Ritual Life of the Kyrgyz in the Early 20th Century. Part - 8
In the Groom's Village
r. Big Keben
Batyrkhan
Upon the arrival of the bride, women from her husband's village greet her in the steppe; she dismounts from her horse and continues on foot. Both the escorts and the greeters quickly ride to the village with all their belongings and prepare the brought orgё. The bride is led to the orgё on foot. As she approaches, she is met by the young man's mother with a plate of boorsak, sugar, raisins, etc. (chachyla) and scatters all this before her, while the girls and women accompanying the bride pick up the treats. She does the same in the yurt to ensure that the bride is good and polite78.
The young man's father prepares for the bride's entrance into his yurt. When the feast is ready (a ram is slaughtered, etc.), the bride goes with the girls to where the ritual otko girdy (entered the fire)79 is performed on the very first day.
Guests sit in the yurt. Upon entering, the bride bows low with her hands clasped on her chest (without kneeling). Her face is covered with a scarf (zholuk or burkonchek80). The father-in-law expresses wishes for her happiness. The bride takes a modest place at the bottom, to the right of the entrance, surrounded by girls, and the father-in-law treats her to the breast of the ram81 and other dishes, after which she withdraws. From this point on, she can freely enter her father-in-law's yurt during his absence.
The ceremony of throwing fat into the fire (according to B. Soltonaev82) is related to the Kalmyks. Men and women, approaching an esteemed person, kneel before him83.
When the bride bows upon entering her father-in-law's yurt, the girls who entered with her lift her burkonchek84 so that those present can see her face, and then lower it again.
In her yurt, the bride hides from the visiting older men, relatives of her husband, behind the koshoje.
Sagimbay
There (in the groom's village. — B.K., S.G.) the bedding remains with the bride, while everything else (from the dowry. — B.K., S.G.) is taken by the groom's parents85. Then a toy is arranged, after which all rituals are considered completed, and life enters a normal phase.
Zhanteli
In the newlyweds' village, a toy is arranged.
Zhanizak
solto
Arkan tozoon — in the villages along the road, an arkan is stretched. The bride must buy her way with a ring, scarf, etc. in all the villages she passes. At the place of overnight stay (if they did not reach in one day), they provide a chapán, for example86.
The newlywed is met by horsemen five or six versts from the village, and pedestrians one or two versts away. From there, she walks to the village on foot. The women who greet the bride have previously bought a large number of rings, etc. at the market, while such gifts were previously ordered from a craftsman.
The relatives of the newlywed take some of the dowry for themselves.
Upon arriving in her husband's village, the bride visits the tent of a married peer of her husband (not older), if the orgё has not yet been set up, or to his older brother (? — F.F.). Then she proceeds to the orgё.
The toy is arranged three to four days later. After the toy, in the evening, the bride goes to her father-in-law's tent, entering behind the koshoje hanging on the right side. A woman walks ahead, bowing. This woman uncovers the bride's face, which was covered with a scarf, and throws a piece of fat, kurdjuk fat, into the fire. Then they go behind the koshoje. There, the bride is treated. This is the introduction. Then follow visits from the young bride to her relatives. She is informed who her okul ata is. Okul — representative.
Okul ata — something like a godfather during the lifetime of even a biological father. Such an okul ata exists for the groom while he is in the bride's village and is assigned to the bride upon her arrival at her husband's place87.
The okul ata of the bride slaughters a ram, cooks it, and goes with this meat to the village of the groom's father. There follows a mutual feast, and the guest is offered to choose something as a gift for himself, and with this, he departs. His okul kız visits him in one or two years and may ask for a good gift, such as a camel, or he may give her one without her asking.
In case of the bride's illness, the okul ata comes to inquire about her health.
local. Sarybulak
Satyvaldy
buku
An okul ata is a person who expresses a desire to be such to the groom before the wedding, adding a shortfall in kalym from himself. The okul ata of the bride, from her village, becomes such at the moment of the wedding (nika). She can take everything she needs from him.
r. Tyup
There (in the groom's village. — B.K., S.G.), after slaughtering a mare, they arrange another toy, inviting the bride's parents, with her mother (the bride's. — B.K., S.G.) receiving sut aky — a horse as a gift for nursing the bride88.
Talas
Cholponkulov
kainazar
Nika is performed in the groom's village on the day of arrival. Along the way through the villages, arkanas are stretched. To pass, the groom must pay off (with rings, scarves).
Upon approaching the village, the bride dismounts from her horse. She is greeted by women and girls, and then she walks on foot. Meanwhile, the groom with the dowry goes straight to the village, where they set up the orgё. The women who greet the bride receive gifts from her.
She enters the orgё and sits behind the koshoje with the youth. On the very first day, the bride is introduced into her father-in-law's house. Older brides precede her. A scarf covering her face is thrown over her head. Upon entering the house and approaching the hearth, she bows (ugunot), kneeling several times. At this time, her mother-in-law throws fat (otko germek) into the fire. A person sitting closer to the koshoje lifts the scarf from the bride's face with a stick three times. He then takes the scarf for himself.
Those present congratulate the young bride and wish her to grow old with the one who took her as a wife (alganyn menen kari), happiness (bahtvu bol, bai bol89). When her face is uncovered, she steps back to the koshoje (which was taken from the orgё), hung on the right side. The groom sits with his relatives in the tent. A mullah is also present. Two witnesses ask the groom if he voluntarily takes this one as his wife. Then they go behind the koshoje to the bride and ask the same question. It is enough for her to cough in response.
After the ritual, all the men from whom she must hide leave the tent, the koshoje is pushed aside, the women treat the bride and themselves. Then the koshoje is taken back.
After this day, the bride is allowed to enter her father-in-law's tent.
Before leaving for home, her mother receives sut aky.
local. Sarybulak
Satyvaldy
buku
Upon entering her father-in-law's tent, the young bride bows (zhugundt — in Kalmyk)90. Kara chambarak or chon uy91 — the hereditary father's tent.
r. Big Keben
Jingish aji
Upon arriving in the groom's village, they set up the orgё and place the dowry in it, while clothing and jewelry are displayed (towels, etc.) on the arkan. The bride sits behind the koshoje, and women come to her; younger male relatives of her husband also have access there.
Belek Soltonaev
Zhelpildek92 — the covering under which the bride first enters her husband's yurt. Upon entering, she bows three times before the fire, pressing her right hand to her forehead and her left across her chest. Bowing for the first time, she throws fat into the fire — to be happy. At the third kneeling, the most respected person among those present, the father of a large family, at the parents' instruction, immediately lifts this covering.
Bozbashtryk
Upon arriving in the groom's village or entering his yurt, the bride has no covering. There is no special ceremony for showing the bride to her husband's relatives. She always hides from older men, relatives of her husband.
r. Makmal
Upon arriving in the groom's village, the bride is not covered by anything. She is covered upon entering her father-in-law's yurt and kneels. The sacrifice to the fire is brought by the mother-in-law with fat and milk, wishing the bride abundance.
Jingish aji
Upon entering her father-in-law's yurt, the mother-in-law smears the bride's right hand with fat and throws it into the fire, expressing wishes for the bride to be happy and polite, while she calls the fire Umai ene93. The bride enters the orgё without ceremonies and for the first time.
Bozbashtryk
Wishes
May children tread the ground before you.
May livestock follow you.
And may you grow old together with your husband.
Let the children tread the ground before you.
Let the livestock go behind you.
And may you grow old together with your husband.
The wishes were pronounced by the mother-in-law when she threw fat into the fire upon the bride's first entrance into their yurt.
Kokumbay Zhin
The bow of the bride in her father-in-law's yurt is a Kalmyk (or rather, pagan) custom. Kneeling was customary before the arrival of the Russians.
The mother-in-law smeared the bride's hand and knees with fat. The covering was lifted with a stick.
Sagimbay Orkobayev
solto-bolokbay
Forbidden words for women included the names of male relatives on the husband's side. For old women, this prohibition still extends to ten generations of the husband's ancestors. Moreover, women were not allowed to pronounce words that sounded similar to these names.
local. Sarybulak
Bozbashtryk
buku
A wife is not allowed to name anyone from her husband's relatives (men and women) born before her arrival in his village. The same applies to the husband's ancestors up to the seventh generation. Among the manaps, the bride does not even name the uruk of her husband (as they are his ancestors), nor the names of animals and objects associated with these names.
Comments:
78 Chachyla — literally, "scattering" — a wedding ritual where one of the older women from the groom's side scatters sweets over the arriving bride as she approaches her father-in-law's yurt (Yudakhin K.K. Op. cit. p. 853). Sweets are also scattered over the groom and bride, wishing them happiness, prosperity, and a "sweet life." This ritual is known among many peoples of Central Asia and was borrowed by pastoral peoples from agricultural ones (Kislyakov N.A. Family and Marriage... pp. 182-183; Lobacheva N.P. Wedding Ritual... pp. 304, 305, 307).
79 The cult of fire was known to almost all peoples, including Turkic-Mongolian ones. Fire not only purified and protected from all harmful things but was also the protector of a person, family, children, granting happiness, prosperity, and offspring. It is not surprising that informants of F.A. Fielstrup, as well as many peoples of Siberia and the North, call fire "Mother Umai" (Tokarev S.A. Early Forms of Religion. Moscow, 1964. pp. 256-263). Therefore, sacrifices of fat, grease, and milk were offered to the fire (and its vessel — the hearth) at certain periods of life: in case of childlessness, when seeking protection, etc. (Dyrenkova N.P. Marriage, Kinship Terms, and Psychological Taboos among the Kyrgyz // Collection of Ethnological Materials. Leningrad, 1927. No. 2. p. 140; Potapov L.P. Essays... p. 242; Abramzon S.M. Kyrgyz... p. 232; Galdanova G.R. The Cult of Fire among Mongolian-speaking Peoples and its Reflection in Lamaism // SE. 1980. No. 3. pp. 94-100; Zhukovskaya N.L. The Cult of the Hearth // Religious Beliefs, Collection of Ethnographic Concepts and Terms.
The ritual "otko girdy" (literally, "entered the fire") was performed upon the bride's first arrival at her husband's home. By throwing fat, grease (milk), she was asking for protection and patronage from the spirit of fire in her new home and thus became part of her husband's family (clan).
80 Burkonchek — a covering with which the bride covered her face during her journey to the groom's village. From the verb burkё — to wrap, to cover. Zholuk (zholuk) — scarf. Both served as protection from evil spirits (see below).
81 The breast, in general, and ram's breast in particular, is a ritual wedding dish associated with the cult of fertility. Among the Semipalatinsk Kazakhs, during matchmaking, they offer to taste ram's breast as a pledge of fidelity and the inviolability of the contract (Kislyakov N.A. Essays... p. 101). Among the Kazakhs and Karakalpaks, when the young leave, the father-in-law offers the son-in-law ram's breast (Kislyakov N.A. Essays... pp. 112, 123; Toleubaev A.T. Op. cit. p. 31). Among the Khorezm Uzbeks, in the groom's house, the groom is treated to ram's breast or chicken breast the night before the wedding (Lobacheva N.P. Wedding Ritual... pp. 43, 45, 47).
82 Belek Soltonaev — one of the informants of F.A. Fielstrup.
83 Informants repeatedly reported to F.A. Fielstrup about the Kalmyk influence on the wedding rituals of the Kyrgyz. The ceremony of throwing fat, grease, milk into the fire, as mentioned, is known to other peoples, not just the Kalmyks. As for the bows, it seems that indeed, bows with kneeling were borrowed (for bows without kneeling, see above). Here is what U. E. Erdniev writes in his book about the Kalmyks: "The bride, entering her father-in-law's yurt, bows three times to the burkhans, three times to the yellow sun — the source of light and warmth, life, three times to the sheep's leg bone placed before her, but inside the tent (this is a prayer for her to be granted a son who will play with the alchiks). Then the bride was made to bow to the hearth — the symbol of family and family happiness, without which the existence of a family was inconceivable. Then to the spirits of the ancestors and finally to the father and mother of the husband, to whom the men accompanying the girl threw pieces of fat from a full bowl, pre-placed at the threshold" (Erdniev U.E. Kalmyks (late 19th - early 20th century). Historical and Ethnographic Essays. Elista, 1970. p. 198).
84 The ritual "otko girdy" is closely related to the ritual "bet ashar" (literally, "opening the face"), performed immediately after the ritual "otko girdy." The newlywed travels to her husband's village and enters her father-in-law's yurt with a covering over her face. The covering serves as protection from evil spirits, as the spirits of her native home no longer protect the bride, and the spirits of her husband's home do not yet protect her. Offering a sacrifice to the hearth of her husband's home gives the newlywed the necessary protection, and the facial veil can be removed, which was most often done by one of the male representatives of the husband's family (presumably, this was also done by women) with a twig from a fruit tree (fertility magic). From now on, the newlywed had the right to enter her father-in-law's yurt and also had the right not to avoid him, since the bride, as a foreigner who could bring misfortune, offered a sacrifice to the fire and thus underwent purification by fire (on the taboo against communication with outsiders and the neutralization of their harmful influence by fire, see: Frazer J. Op. cit. pp. 222-223; on family-marriage prohibitions and avoidance, see note 33).
85 Among many peoples, and in the past, apparently among all peoples, the dowry was the personal property of the bride, which neither the husband nor his relatives could claim. In the event of divorce, the wife could take it with her. In the event of the wife's death, the dowry was divided among the children, and in the absence of children, it was returned to her father's "clan" (Potapov L.P. Essays... p. 237; Minenko P.L. Relationships between Spouses in Russian Peasant Families of Western Siberia in the 18th - first half of the 19th century // SE. 1978. No. 2. p. 74). In her father-in-law's family, the bride was also allocated her share of property (there). This indicates that women in these societies had not yet lost their relative independence. They had their share, and thus certain rights in their husband's family, although the dominant role, of course, belonged to men (father, father-in-law, husband). Among the Kyrgyz of the early 20th century, as we see, the bride is left with only bedding (and personal items), while the rest passes into the ownership of the groom's parents, indicating a certain loss of independence for women.
86 A custom known to many peoples. Kagarov E.G. saw in this custom apotropaic magic (Kagarov E.G. Op. cit. p. 158-159). Toleubaev A.T. sees in this a prohibition against stepping over things that possess magical power, in this case, the sacred arkan (Toleubaev A.T. Op. cit. p. 28).
87 According to Lobacheva N.P., the appointed father for the groom in the bride's house is a phenomenon that comes from the Central Asian line. Among the Khorezm Uzbeks, Karakalpaks, the appointed mother (murunduk-ene) is chosen from among the close female relatives of the groom for both newlyweds. The appointed father (murunduk-ata) mechanically becomes her husband (Lobacheva N.P. Wedding Ritual... p. 43; Esbergenov X., Atamuratov T. Op. cit. pp. 85-86). The appointed father and mother were for the newlyweds second fathers and mothers and were honored by them throughout their lives. But they, in turn, also had their obligations towards the young (there).
88 A ritual known to many peoples (Kislyakov N.A. Essays... p. 109; Potapov L.P. Essays... p. 255; Peshtereva E.M. Op. cit. p. 179; Esbergenov X., Atamuratov T. Op. cit. p. 82).
89 Literally, "may you be happy, may you be rich."
90 Zhugun - to bow, crossing hands on the chest. This refers to the bride when she first enters the yurt, in the room where the older male relatives of her husband sit (Yudakhin K.K. Op. cit. p. 272).
91 Kara chamgarak (literally, "black changarak") — the father's yurt, which passed by inheritance to the younger son (Yudakhin K.K. Op. cit. p. 843). Chon uy (literally, "big yurt") — again, the father's yurt, the hereditary yurt (there. p. 817).
92 Zhelpildek — (literally, "what always flutters"), from zhelpilde — to flutter (Yudakhin K.K. Op. cit. p. 246). Apparently, the covering was very light and fluttered at the slightest breeze, which is why it received its name.
93 See note 79.
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