Historical Grammar of the Kyrgyz Language. Morphology
1. The plural is marked by -лар/-лер, -дар/-дер, -тар/-тер.
In the language of the Kyrgyz of Fuyuy, the plural is formed in the same way: -лар/-лыр, -дар/-дыр, -тар/-тыр. In the Saryg-Yugur language, this series is supplemented by variants with an initial -н, but variants with a narrow vowel are absent: -лар/-лер, -дар/-дер, -тар/-тер, -нар/-нер. In the Khakas and Shor languages, the number of variants is smaller: -лар/-лер, -тар/-тер, -нар/-нер.
2. The possessive form with personal markers:
Plural
-быс/-бус
-ырар/-уцар, -ицер/-ууур -ы/-сы, -у/-су
In the language of the Kyrgyz of Fuyuy, the possessive paradigm has the following form:
-(ы)быс
-(ы)цар/-(ы)цыр -(з)ы
In the Saryg-Yugur language, under the influence of the Chinese language, the possessive paradigm has been deformed — only forms II and III person remain:
I -Н
II -н
III -ы/-сы, -и/-си
The possessive form for the I person (-м) has only been preserved in folklore. In the Khakas language, the possessive paradigm coincides with that of the Fuyuy-Kyrgyz. In the Shor language (in the dialect of the lower reaches of the Mrasu River), there is labialization of the vowel affix, and the II person plural is formed according to the scheme: -лар + ын. Labialization of the vowel affix occurs in the Chulym-Turkic language.
3. Declension: indefinite, genitive, dative, locative, and ablative cases:
1) The indefinite case in ancient Kyrgyz had no formal expression, as in the languages of the Kyrgyz of Fuyuy, Saryg-Yugurs, Khakas, Shors, Chulym Turks, and other Turkic languages;
2) The genitive case, marked by -нын,/-ниц, -дыц/-диц, -тын,/-тин, -нун,/нуц, -дун,/-дун, -тун,/-тун. In the Fuyuy-Kyrgyz language, the genitive case is six-variant: -ныц/-нин, -дын,/-дин, -тыц/-тиц. In the Saryg-Yugur language — the same markers. In the Khakas literary language, the genitive case is formed in two variants along the consonantal line and two along the vowel line: -ныц/-ниц, -тыц/-тиц. In the Sagai dialect, this series is supplemented by affixes with an initial -д (-дыц/-диц), while in the Kachin dialect — variants with narrow labials у, у (-нуц/-нуц, -туц/-туц). In the Shor language, the genitive case affix has twelve variants: -ныц/-ниц, -нуц/-нуц, -дъщ/ диу, -дуц/-дуц, -тын/-тин, -тун/-тун. In the Chulym-Turkic language, there are eight variants, half of which have labial vowels.
3) The dative case with markers -ка/-ке, -га/-ге, -а/-е. The language of the Kyrgyz of Fuyuy has two series of variants along the lines of broad and narrow vowels: -га/-гы, ха/-хы, -а/-ы. In the Saryg-Yugur language — six variants: -га/-ге, -ка/-ке, -к’а/-к’е. In the Khakas and Shor languages, the dative case affixes are similar: -га/-ге, -ка/-ке, -а/-е, the same in Chulym-Turkic.
4) The accusative case with affixes -ны/-ни, -ды/-ди, -ты/-ти, -ну/-ну, -ду/-ду, -ту/-ту. In the Fuyuy-Kyrgyz language, the markers of the accusative case are -ны/-ни, -ды/-ди, -ты/-ти. In the Saryg-Yugur language, the markers coincide with the previous one. In the Khakas language, the pair -ды/-ди is absent. In the Shor language, there is an abundance of variants: -ны/-ни/-ну/-ну, -ды/-ди/-ду/-ду, -ты/-ти/-ту/-ту.
5) The locative case has markers -да/-де, -та/-те. In Fuyuy-Kyrgyz, there are variants along the line of narrow vowels: -да/ды, -та/-ты. In the Saryg-Yugur, Khakas, and Shor languages, the markers are the same: -да/-де, -та/-те. In the Chulym-Turkic language — eight variants, half of which have labial vowels.
6) The ablative case with two series of affixes (along the lines of broad and narrow vowels): -дан/-ден, -тан/-тен, -нан/-нен, and -дын/-дин, -тын/-тин, -нын/-нин. In the language of the Kyrgyz of Fuyuy, only one series with narrow vowels is presented. In the Saryg-Yugur language, both series of affixes exist, but the series with narrow vowels is rarely found. In the Khakas and Shor languages, the case markers end in -ц: -дац/-дец, -тан/-тен, -нац/-нец. This is an isogloss of the local southern Siberian area. In the Chulym-Turkic language, the case affix is expressed in eight variants: -дын/-дин, -дун/-дун, -тын/-тин, -тун/-тун.
In the languages under consideration, there are also forms related to cases. In the language of the Kyrgyz of Fuyuy — this is the directional case with -cap/-сарых. In the Khakas language, it is represented by four variants: -cap/-сер, -зар/-зер. In the Kachin dialect of the Khakas language, the affix has a truncated form: -са/-сё, -за/-зё, while in the Sagai dialect, on the contrary, it is complete: -сары/-сери, -зары/-зери. The last variant sheds light on the origin of the affix: -сары is an independent word meaning “side” in the role of a postposition, see: ancient Turkic сары. The isogloss of the directional case in Fuyuy-Kyrgyz and Khakas has a limited, southern Siberian character and cannot be reconstructed in ancient Kyrgyz.
The comparative nature of the case system is also characterized by the comparative case with -даг/-дег in Saryg-Yugur and Shor and the instrumental case with -пыла/-па in Shor and -была/-пыла in Chulym-Turkic languages.
4. Conjugation: tenses — past, present, future. To express past action — three forms:
1) Past categorical tense with the affix -ды/-ди/-ду/-ду, -ты/-ти/-ту/-ту + personal endings (-м, -у; -быс, -уар), in III person plural -шты.
In the language of the Fuyuy Kyrgyz, the past categorical tense is formed using the affixes -ды/-ди, -ты/-ти;
Singular Plural
I бардым ‘I went’ бардыбыс
II бардыц бардыцар
III барды барды/лар) - барышты
In the Saryg-Yugur language, under the influence of the Chinese language, personal marking has disappeared: the person is indicated analytically.
The Khakas paradigm completely repeats the Fuyuy one, except for one detail: in the III person plural, the form like барышты is absent.
In the Shor language, the marker of the past categorical tense has variants with labial vowels, except in the dialects of the Shors of the Kondoma River and the upper reaches of the Mrasu River, where labialization of the vowel affix is weakened, optional.
2) Past indefinite tense with the marker -ыптар/-иптир, -уптур/-уптур + personal endings (-мын, -сыу; -быс, -същар).
In the language of the Kyrgyz of Fuyuy, the paradigm of time is presented with truncated components:
Singular
I бартырмин ‘I went’
II бартырсын,
III бартыр
The original composition of the form was бар- (root) + ып (gerund) + тур- (auxiliary verb) + мин (personal marker). In the language of the Fuyuy Kyrgyz, the following process could have occurred: барыптурмин > барыттурмин > барытыр- мин > бартырмин (the marker of the gerund -п disappeared). In the Saryg-Yugur language, due to the absence of personal endings, the paradigm was reduced to the form типажен сатыптро ‘I sold’. The past tense on -ыптыр with a complete paradigm is also represented in the Khakas language as a form of past “zaglaznogo” on -тыр;
3) Past resultative tense on -ган/-ген, -кан/-кен + personal affixes (-мын, -сыц; -быс, -сыцар).
In the language of the Kyrgyz of Fuyuy, the paradigm of time has the following form:
Singular Plural
I барганмин ‘I went’ барганбыс > баргабыс
II барганзыц барганзыцар
III барган барган
In the Saryg-Yugur language, the paradigm of time consists of one word form of the type мен оцшегантро ‘I read’.
In the Khakas language, the past resultative tense is formed using the affixes -сан/-ген (after roots with vowels and voiced consonants, except г, г, н), -хан/-кен (after roots with final voiceless consonants) and -ан/-ен (after roots with final г, г, н).
In the Shor language, the affixes -сан/-ген, -кап/-кен serve to form the past resultative tense; the same in the Chulym-Turkic language;
4) Past continuous on -чух/-чух + personal affixes (-пын/-сыц; -пыс, -сыцар). In the Khakas language, this time is formed using the affixes -чых/-чик, -ч,ых/-ч,ик, as seen from the following paradigm:
Singular
I тастачуыхпын ‘I threw’
II тастауыхсыу
III тастачуых
The past tense on -чык in the Tuvan language is formed in the same way.
The origin of this tense form is linked to the ancient Uyghur form of the past tense on -йук. Forms of the ordinary past on -чан in the Khakas and Shor languages, the definite past on -чатхан in Khakas, and the form of perfect action on -галах in Khakas and -галак in Shor and Chulym-Turkic languages are geographically limited and cannot be traced back to ancient Kyrgyz.
To express an action taking place at the present moment, the following form is used. The present tense of this moment follows the scheme: root + gerund -ып + auxiliary verbs ж,ур-/ж,ат-/отур-/тур- + tense affix -а + personal markers (-мын, -сын; -быс, -сыцар).
In the language of the Kyrgyz of Fuyuy, the paradigm of time has the following form:
Singular Plural
I бартурмин ‘I am going’ бартурбыс
II бартурсиу бартурзыуар
III бартур бартур
The full form should be as follows: бар- ‘to go’ + affix -а + тур- ‘to stand’ + affix -а + мин > баратурамин > бар- турмин (the second and fourth syllables, being in an unstressed position, were reduced).
In the Saryg-Yugur language, one of the forms of the present tense is formed in the type мен мацыппар ‘I am going (now)’. In the Khakas language, the form suitable for this type of present tense is on -ча/-че or -чадыр/-чедир and -а/-е + -дыр/-дир. In the Shor language, forms of the present tense are also formed using auxiliary verbs чат-, тур-, одур-, чер-. Other forms of the present tense, such as Fuyuy-Kyrgyz бардымин/ бардамин (<барудамын), Saryg-Yugur габ/-гек and бган, are isolated and probably could not have existed in the language of the ancient Kyrgyz.
To express an action that is about to occur, the following forms were used:
1) Future definite tense on -а/-е + personal affixes (-мын, -сыц; -быс, -сыцар).
In the language of the Kyrgyz of Fuyuy, the paradigm of this tense is formed using the affix -и:
Singular Plural
I барим ‘I will go’ барибис
II баризиц баризицар
III бари бари
In the Khakas language, exactly the same paradigm (but for the present tense) is derived from the temporal marker up: парим (< пар-ир-бин) ‘I am going’; паризин, (пар-ир- зыц) etc.
2) Future indefinite tense with the marker -ар/-ер + personal affixes (-мын, -сын; -быс, -същар).
In the language of the Kyrgyz of Fuyuy, this form is formed using the affix -ыр:
Singular
I гилирмин ‘I will come’
II гилирзиц
III гилир
In the Saryg-Yugur language, the paradigm of time is built using the affixes -ар/-ер, -ыр/-ир, -р: мен парар ‘I will go’. The same form of time exists in the Khakas and Shor languages.
Forms of future tense on -гьии, -гы, -гыр in the Saryg-Yugur language and future possible on -гадыр in the Shor language, as isolated forms, cannot be traced back to the ancient Kyrgyz language.