Two months before the spontaneously begun Belyvodsk uprising, on September 30, 1918, X. Khasanov, who at that time was the commissioner for national affairs of the Pishpek Soviet, as well as a member of the investigative commission and the local revolutionary tribunal, attempted to initiate a case against Abdykerim Sydykov, Satarkul and Sadik Djangarachiev, Seydakhmat Chukin, Asankul Cholponkulov, Akhmed-bek Koybagarov, Dauletbek Kobylyov, Azimbek Sagymbaev, and Sadibakas Jandaev on charges of "counter-revolutionary activities." Some of the accused were closely related to A. Sydykov (Chukin, Djangarachiev), had once been members of the "Alash" party and the Left Socialist-Revolutionaries. This is why the "Essays" contained the categorical assertion that alongside the Socialist-Revolutionaries, the Alash Orda members were also at the head of the Belyvodsk uprising. However, during the preparation of these "Essays," it was well-known that the backbone of the uprising consisted of Russian and Dungan peasants. The timing of X. Khasanov's accusations was also well-chosen. On September 5, 1918, the RSFSR Soviet of People's Commissars, following an assassination attempt on Lenin, allegedly organized by the Socialist-Revolutionaries, made a decision that went down in history as the decree on "red terror." It stated, among other things, that "all individuals connected to White Guard organizations, conspiracies, and uprisings are subject to execution...," although, as is known, executions for political reasons had already been carried out prior to this decree. For example, in June 1918, 56 people were executed, and in July-August — 937 people. The peak of the red terror occurred in September, when 2,600 people were executed, and in October-December — another 1,153 people. There is an opinion that these figures do not fully reflect the true scale of the "red terror." There is an interesting study on this issue by historian and People's Socialist A. Melgunov titled "Red Terror in Russia. 1918-1920," which was first published in Berlin in 1921 in German. Based on newspaper chronicles of the time, which regularly published lists of executed hostages, the book provides an objective representation of this tragedy.
There is no doubt that X. Khasanov wanted to bring the accused to a death sentence and confiscation of their property. The latter became evident during the investigation of the circumstances of the "case." For the emerging party bureaucracy, such confiscations turned into a source of constant personal enrichment.
In other words, the accused faced serious danger. The main target of the accusations was A. Sydykov. Considering his notorious past in the eyes of the Bolsheviks, A. Sydykov could most conveniently be portrayed as the organizer of a "large Left Socialist-Revolutionary conspiracy." At the same time, X. Khasanov undoubtedly wanted to eliminate a dangerous competitor in the struggle for power and influence over the masses, as he was also among the leaders. The other accused were assigned the role of "cogs" in the conspiracy. Evidence of how political cases were fabricated at that time is reflected in the directive from a member of the Cheka, chairman of the Cheka of the Eastern Front R. Latsis to local departments of the "extraordinary commission" in 1918: "Do not look for incriminating evidence in the case: whether he rose against the Soviets with weapons or words. Your first duty is to ask him which class he belongs to, what his origin is, what his education is, and what his profession is. These questions should determine the fate of the accused." Kyrgyz Bolsheviks may not have known this directive, but it was implemented by the Cheka in cases, in accordance with the logic and practice of class struggle.
"...Comrade Latsis, one of the best, tested communists...," as Lenin called him, asserted that "at the moment of the most desperate class struggle, it is impossible to obtain material evidence. When a class rises up against another class as a whole, then the most valuable information for the investigation is precisely data about (current) class affiliation, about origin...". And although Lenin later called these arguments nonsense, such approaches became prevalent during the party purges, the persecution of the undesirable, and the organization of political courts in the 1920s-1950s. Ideologists, as the great humanist of our time A. D. Sakharov said, were always softer than the executors. The latter were the true masters on the ground.
The First Attempt at Political Discrediting of A. Sydykov and the Left Socialist-Revolutionary Movement in Turkestan
