Last week, three B-52 strategic bombers took off from Barksdale Air Force Base in Louisiana, heading towards the Caribbean. These aircraft, which are key to American strategic aviation, can carry a diverse arsenal of munitions and missiles, making them extremely effective. They conducted a circular flight off the coast of Venezuela, near the main airport of Caracas — Maiquetía.
According to military experts, the purpose of this flight is to send a clear signal to President Maduro that the U.S. is capable of acting anywhere at its discretion. A former high-ranking U.S. officer noted, "We just want to demonstrate that we can deploy at any moment and take any action." He stated that this is a show of force aimed at demonstrating the U.S. readiness to act.
Washington, which has long maintained tense relations with the Venezuelan government, has significantly increased its military presence in the Caribbean region. Since August, about 10,000 troops, eight combat ships, and a nuclear submarine, as well as F-35 fighters, have been deployed to the area. The operation continues without a designated end date.
The Venezuelan authorities have expressed concern about a potential invasion; however, experts believe that the number of American troops is insufficient for a full-scale attack. In their opinion, the main goal of the operations is to combat drug trafficking, as officially stated by the Trump administration, as well as to apply pressure on Maduro's regime.
Since the beginning of September, American forces have struck at least seven fast boats that, according to their claims, were transporting drugs to the northern Caribbean Sea. As a result of these attacks, 32 people have died, including a recent incident on Friday.
Washington is also demonstrating a wide range of capabilities, providing President Trump with the freedom to choose between limited operations and more extensive actions. "Having such resources really gives politicians room to maneuver," noted Seth Jones, a former employee of the Special Operations Command.
The forces involved include three guided-missile destroyers, a guided-missile cruiser, a coastal combat ship, and an amphibious group of three landing ships with approximately 2,200 Marines. According to fleet tracking data, about 8% of all American military ships currently in the world are in the Caribbean Sea. Prior to the arrival of the destroyers in August, only one American vessel — a hospital ship — had been spotted in the region.
"Destroyers are versatile ships capable of performing a variety of tasks," added a former Pentagon official. The cruiser also has similar capabilities. The amphibious assault squadron can provide significant air support and, if necessary, land Marines on shore, as well as conduct rescue operations.
In addition to the B-52s, MQ-9 Reaper drones, P-8 Poseidon reconnaissance aircraft, and MH-6 Little Bird attack helicopters have also been spotted near Venezuela. The MV Ocean Trader, a converted commercial vessel, is functioning as a floating command center for special operations.
"Such a vessel can perform a variety of tasks, but its presence underscores the U.S. focus on the intelligence side of the operation," said a former senior military official.
"Currently, the American military is paying more attention to Latin America than in recent years," he added.
To support this mission, the U.S. has reopened the Roosevelt Roads naval base in Puerto Rico, the first time since 2004.
"Special forces can perform a wide range of tasks," noted a former Defense Department representative. Operations can vary from reconnaissance to risky actions to seize important targets.
Possible special forces actions include raids from the sea or air, surveillance, drone strikes, missile attacks, underwater sabotage, or gathering intelligence.
However, as Jones emphasized, the capabilities of special forces have their limitations. "If your goal is to pressure Maduro for his resignation or replacement, special operations forces can help, but only within certain limits," he noted.
According to the Venezuelan opposition and analysts, the main goal of the American operation is to force the government to resign or organize a transfer of power, which may include capturing or eliminating officials who resist.
The last major U.S. military operation in this region occurred in 1994 when American troops entered Haiti with UN support following a coup. Earlier, in 1983, the response to the seizure of American medical students in Grenada involved ships and over 7,000 soldiers. In 1989, the U.S. overthrew dictator Noriega in Panama, deploying about 30,000 troops, which is three times the current contingent in the Caribbean.
"The current buildup of forces does not necessarily imply preparation for more extensive actions," noted Bradley Martin, a former captain of surface ships in the U.S. Navy. "The use of force may be limited, but there is still the possibility of limited operations." Mark Cancian, a former Pentagon employee, noted that a minimum of 50,000 American troops would be required for an invasion of Venezuela, with a preferred number being 150,000.
Despite this, he stated that the likelihood of an American strike against Venezuela in one form or another is now higher than it was a few weeks ago.
Last week, Trump mentioned the possibility of attacks on "ground targets" in Venezuela and authorized covert CIA operations within the country. He also warned Maduro not to "play games" with the United States.
"A strike on ground targets would signal the administration's readiness to take risks and change the mission's objectives," emphasized Ryan Berg of the Center for Strategic and International Studies.
"Trump likes remote engagement, where American personnel remain safe," he added, suggesting that precision-guided missiles could be used in an attack on Venezuela.
A strike on energy infrastructure or oil production facilities "would be a serious escalation," he noted, adding that it is unlikely to be the first step.
Regardless of whether the U.S. will take real military action against Venezuela, a prolonged presence in the Caribbean creates long-term risks for American interests in other regions, especially in Asia. "There are no free lunches," noted a former high-ranking officer. "Shifting resources from one region to another automatically creates vulnerabilities in others," he added.
The Caribbean operation could "weaken forces that may be needed to counter China in the Indo-Pacific region," he concluded.
