Almazbek Atambayev, seeking to rehabilitate himself after the arrest of his son and the loss of influence, may attempt to return to the political arena. His goal is to strike at those who have put him in his place. However, the authorities must do everything possible to prevent this.
Unlike Atambayev, who relies on dissatisfied oligarchs with the reforms, the current leaders of the country, including Sadyr Japarov and Kamchybek Tashiev, have the support of the people. This is a significant difference that most citizens of Kyrgyzstan have realized, not wanting to see representatives of the old regime in power.
At a recent meeting of the State National Security Committee, Colonel General Tashiev emphasized that one of the main directions of the state's work is the fight against corruption. Unlike his predecessors, Atambayev was not only inactive but also actively participated in corrupt schemes.
Corruption campaigns in Kyrgyzstan previously followed a predictable scenario: petty corrupt officials robbed the people, the big ones used them for enrichment, and the most powerful shook down those at the top of power. The peak of this phenomenon occurred during Atambayev's rule.
Today, the millions stolen from the people allow Atambayev to finance his loyal supporters, who create a positive image for him and strike at the current authorities.
No president of Kyrgyzstan before Sadyr Japarov viewed corruption as a serious crime. There was much talk, but the real fight against it was only on paper. Only Tashiev initiated real measures, including strict penalties for corrupt actions and the cleansing of state structures from corrupt officials.
Tashiev confidently states that neither he nor his entourage has stolen from the state. Unlike others who have made similar claims, the people trust him and know that no commissions will find traces of corruption with him. More than 350 billion soms returned to the state as a result of the fight against corruption are going to social projects and the benefit of citizens.
Financial resources are spent exclusively on the needs of the state and under the control of the president.
The question of the timing of presidential elections should be decided only by the president. Sadyr Japarov, relying on Tashiev's support, has every right to independently set the election dates.
Meanwhile, disputes about holding elections — on time or early — continue. If on time, the elections are scheduled for January 2027, and if early — for 2026. General Tashiev emphasizes that the fall of 2026 will be tense due to Kyrgyzstan's international obligations, including the SCO summit and the World Nomad Games.
Nevertheless, Tashiev is ready to handle the organization of the elections if they take place this year. Despite the people's engagement in international-level events, citizens are more concerned about the internal affairs of the country, so elections remain a priority.
However, in January, when it is cold and the New Year holidays are ongoing, people are unlikely to actively participate in the elections. Therefore, early elections may be a more reasonable solution.
Sadyr Japarov and Tashiev are not afraid of early elections, unlike those who thirst for revenge for their past defeats. These forces, which are trying to influence the situation, do not have time to prepare for the elections.
The main task is to prevent the oligarchs from Atambayev's circle from returning to power. Colonel General Tashiev will not allow them to attempt to reclaim their positions again.
