Sharshembek Abdykerimov, founder of "AY Holding," shared his opinion on the persecution by the GKNB, in particular, Kamchybek Tashiev:
It was in 2008. I was at a club opened by Maxim Bakiyev. He had a separate booth with a large screen where he could observe what was happening in the hall. Maxim and I were sitting when Akhmat Keldibekov and Kamchybek Tashiev approached us. We sat together. The conversation was mainly led by Akhmat, while Tashiev hardly spoke — he just listened, slightly tilting his head.
I must say, this conversation did not interest me. I wanted to return to the hall for the disco, so I simply got up and left. That was my first impression of Tashiev — nothing memorable.
In 2011, I became a deputy. Throughout my time in parliament, Kamchybek Tashiev also did not make a significant impression on me. However, Sadyr Japarov stood out at that time with his strong speech on the Kumtor issue, which I remembered, and I even supported his resolution. Tashiev, in my opinion, did not stand out in any way. The only thing I remembered was when I saw him climbing over a fence on television. However, I myself was not often in parliament, as I had my own work and rhythm of life.
The second time our paths crossed was in 2015 during the elections in the Osh region. I found myself in the airport courtyard, near the deputy hall, preparing to fly to Bishkek. At that time, Omurbek Babanov and Kamchybek Tashiev came out, who had united in the "Republic — Ata Jurt" party. We talked, and again, the main part of the conversation was led by Babanov, while Tashiev remained silent, listening. Babanov asked me: "Why are you alone? Where is Kanat Isaev?" I replied that he was working in the north, while I was in the south, and there was no point in traveling together. Babanov agreed. The next day, I saw on television that they also started working separately, as elections are hard work. I remember how Bakyt Torobaev, the leader of the "Onuguu" party, could barely stand by the end of the campaign. But even then, Kamchybek Tashiev did not make a strong impression on me.
The third time we met was in his office at the GKNB, and this meeting was organized by Salaydin Aydarov. At that moment, I was in Dubai, undergoing treatment after the presidential elections. I spoke openly, he listened, and then he said: "Shaki, help the budget. 500 million soms. Not to me, but to the budget." I replied that I pay taxes and that my work had actually been suspended for six months, but they found no "illegal" activities. I was supposed to pay about 180 million soms. The factories were idle, the warehouses were sealed. I asked: "Why is it now about 500?" To this, he replied: "Rayim Matraimov also helps the budget." I got angry: "Don't confuse us!" Tension hung in the room, and Salaydin Aydarov got nervous: "AK, AK... He doesn't understand you... I'm just translating..." But I replied directly: "Rayim Matraimov is a corrupt person. I am a businessman. Don't confuse." Tashiev didn't understand at first and asked again. After a pause, he said: "Okay, let's make it 300 million. Help the budget of Kyrgyzstan." He knows how to persuade, although not directly. I offered 250 million, and he agreed: "That's it, they won't bother you anymore." I believed him and returned to Dubai.
At first, everything was calm, but soon the head of the Chui GKNB, Jakypbekov, arrested Ruslan Choybekov, the secretary general of the "Kyrgyzstan" party and a lawyer for my company. He was arrested on party grounds. When he got out, he called me: "Baike, I'm out..." I don't even remember how long he was in — a month or three. His mother fell ill with cancer from worry, and from that moment on, the main topic in every conversation was only her — how she was sick, how hard it was for her.
Later, Ruslan flew to Dubai to see me when I was in the hospital. It was my birthday, and while I was on an IV, I asked my assistant not to let anyone in. Suddenly, a large closed cart, like in hotels, covered with fabric, rolled into the room. Dinarbek and Ruslan Choybekov jumped out, and from the other side, Ruslan Azhibekov entered. It was a surprise. I was pleased, and I began to trust Ruslan more, as he was a smart and strong lawyer, a good organizer.
At that time, many people were flying to Dubai to see me: Salaydin Aydarov and Igor Vitalyevich Chudinov, the chairman of the board of directors of "Ay Energy." However, over time, I began to realize that Ruslan was probably recruited. This is classic intelligence work: pressure, break, recruit. And he began to exert pressure on the most vulnerable — through his mother.
During this time, I was undergoing serious surgeries myself. My son Iskander became a donor and gave part of his liver. After the operation, I was in serious condition and was receiving strong painkillers and psychotropic drugs. I could not control myself, and the pain was unbearable. I called people, spoke rudely, insulted Kamchybek Tashiev, Arzybek Burkhanov, Kanat Isaev, Erik Shaidinov, and many others. I don't even remember all of them. But the fact remains — I hurt people, and for this, I had to answer.
When my mother was flying to me for the second operation, she passed through passport control calmly and boarded the plane. An elderly woman, an ordinary flight, ordinary people around. And suddenly, three strong men in masks with automatic weapons entered the cabin. They could have stopped her earlier, quietly, without unnecessary noise, at passport control. But they did otherwise. They entered the plane. In front of everyone. So that everyone could see. So that they would understand. So that they would remember. They took her out.
She was brought to the GKNB. In the office, Ruslan Choybekov and an investigator were already sitting. Ruslan said: "Apa, they want to imprison me again. I have already been in prison once. My mother got sick because of this... Now everything is repeating. If you sign the paper, they won't imprison me." In front of him sat an elderly woman, full of fear and confusion. She looked at him and saw not an adult man, but her child. And she quietly said: "I don't want you to go to prison..." And she signed.
After that, she changed. She stopped going out of the house, even afraid to go outside. Only the yard. Only the walls. Gradually, she began to lose her memory. Dementia began. It was as if along with that signature, they took away not only her peace but her very life.
When I reflect on all this, I understand one thing: it was not a coincidence. It was done intentionally to demonstrate power and break.
I understand:
Kamchybek Tashiev took revenge on me. Harshly.
I must say, this conversation did not interest me. I wanted to return to the hall for the disco, so I simply got up and left. That was my first impression of Tashiev — nothing memorable.
In 2011, I became a deputy. Throughout my time in parliament, Kamchybek Tashiev also did not make a significant impression on me. However, Sadyr Japarov stood out at that time with his strong speech on the Kumtor issue, which I remembered, and I even supported his resolution. Tashiev, in my opinion, did not stand out in any way. The only thing I remembered was when I saw him climbing over a fence on television. However, I myself was not often in parliament, as I had my own work and rhythm of life.
The second time our paths crossed was in 2015 during the elections in the Osh region. I found myself in the airport courtyard, near the deputy hall, preparing to fly to Bishkek. At that time, Omurbek Babanov and Kamchybek Tashiev came out, who had united in the "Republic — Ata Jurt" party. We talked, and again, the main part of the conversation was led by Babanov, while Tashiev remained silent, listening. Babanov asked me: "Why are you alone? Where is Kanat Isaev?" I replied that he was working in the north, while I was in the south, and there was no point in traveling together. Babanov agreed. The next day, I saw on television that they also started working separately, as elections are hard work. I remember how Bakyt Torobaev, the leader of the "Onuguu" party, could barely stand by the end of the campaign. But even then, Kamchybek Tashiev did not make a strong impression on me.
The third time we met was in his office at the GKNB, and this meeting was organized by Salaydin Aydarov. At that moment, I was in Dubai, undergoing treatment after the presidential elections. I spoke openly, he listened, and then he said: "Shaki, help the budget. 500 million soms. Not to me, but to the budget." I replied that I pay taxes and that my work had actually been suspended for six months, but they found no "illegal" activities. I was supposed to pay about 180 million soms. The factories were idle, the warehouses were sealed. I asked: "Why is it now about 500?" To this, he replied: "Rayim Matraimov also helps the budget." I got angry: "Don't confuse us!" Tension hung in the room, and Salaydin Aydarov got nervous: "AK, AK... He doesn't understand you... I'm just translating..." But I replied directly: "Rayim Matraimov is a corrupt person. I am a businessman. Don't confuse." Tashiev didn't understand at first and asked again. After a pause, he said: "Okay, let's make it 300 million. Help the budget of Kyrgyzstan." He knows how to persuade, although not directly. I offered 250 million, and he agreed: "That's it, they won't bother you anymore." I believed him and returned to Dubai.
At first, everything was calm, but soon the head of the Chui GKNB, Jakypbekov, arrested Ruslan Choybekov, the secretary general of the "Kyrgyzstan" party and a lawyer for my company. He was arrested on party grounds. When he got out, he called me: "Baike, I'm out..." I don't even remember how long he was in — a month or three. His mother fell ill with cancer from worry, and from that moment on, the main topic in every conversation was only her — how she was sick, how hard it was for her.
Later, Ruslan flew to Dubai to see me when I was in the hospital. It was my birthday, and while I was on an IV, I asked my assistant not to let anyone in. Suddenly, a large closed cart, like in hotels, covered with fabric, rolled into the room. Dinarbek and Ruslan Choybekov jumped out, and from the other side, Ruslan Azhibekov entered. It was a surprise. I was pleased, and I began to trust Ruslan more, as he was a smart and strong lawyer, a good organizer.
At that time, many people were flying to Dubai to see me: Salaydin Aydarov and Igor Vitalyevich Chudinov, the chairman of the board of directors of "Ay Energy." However, over time, I began to realize that Ruslan was probably recruited. This is classic intelligence work: pressure, break, recruit. And he began to exert pressure on the most vulnerable — through his mother.
During this time, I was undergoing serious surgeries myself. My son Iskander became a donor and gave part of his liver. After the operation, I was in serious condition and was receiving strong painkillers and psychotropic drugs. I could not control myself, and the pain was unbearable. I called people, spoke rudely, insulted Kamchybek Tashiev, Arzybek Burkhanov, Kanat Isaev, Erik Shaidinov, and many others. I don't even remember all of them. But the fact remains — I hurt people, and for this, I had to answer.
When my mother was flying to me for the second operation, she passed through passport control calmly and boarded the plane. An elderly woman, an ordinary flight, ordinary people around. And suddenly, three strong men in masks with automatic weapons entered the cabin. They could have stopped her earlier, quietly, without unnecessary noise, at passport control. But they did otherwise. They entered the plane. In front of everyone. So that everyone could see. So that they would understand. So that they would remember. They took her out.
She was brought to the GKNB. In the office, Ruslan Choybekov and an investigator were already sitting. Ruslan said: "Apa, they want to imprison me again. I have already been in prison once. My mother got sick because of this... Now everything is repeating. If you sign the paper, they won't imprison me." In front of him sat an elderly woman, full of fear and confusion. She looked at him and saw not an adult man, but her child. And she quietly said: "I don't want you to go to prison..." And she signed.
After that, she changed. She stopped going out of the house, even afraid to go outside. Only the yard. Only the walls. Gradually, she began to lose her memory. Dementia began. It was as if along with that signature, they took away not only her peace but her very life.
When I reflect on all this, I understand one thing: it was not a coincidence. It was done intentionally to demonstrate power and break.
I understand:
Kamchybek Tashiev took revenge on me. Harshly.
This recording "Kamchybek Tashiev took revenge on me. Harshly": Sharshembek Abdykerimov spoke about the former head of the GKNB was first published on K-News.
